How to Be an Antiracist

by

Ibram X. Kendi

How to Be an Antiracist: Chapter 16: Failure Summary & Analysis

Summary
Analysis
Kendi defines an activist as someone with who advocates for changes in power structures or policy. He flashes back to his experience running a Black Student Union meeting at Temple University in 2007.
Kendi’s wants to distinguish true activism, which has the power to change the world, from the kinds of activity that often get called activism today—but have no real political effect.
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Kendi argues that understanding racism requires explaining why antiracism has failed in the past. He’s tried to do this throughout the book, like by pointing out that race is a power construct, not a social construct, and by rejecting the idea that it’s possible to be “not racist.” Ultimately, policy solutions to racism have to be intersectional, behaviorally and culturally antiracist, and anti-capitalist to be successful. Most solutions aren’t, because they’re based on “popular racial ideologies” that keep replicating the same mistakes and sometimes even worsen the problem. For instance, Black people have spent centuries trying to improve their behavior in order to convince white people to give up power. This “uplift” strategy will never work.
Reexamining history and clearly defining concepts are the two most important ways that people can educate themselves about race and racism. This is a prerequisite to effectively building a political movement to change racist policies—but it's not a replacement for this movement. In other words, antiracist ideas are necessary in order to help people unlearn racist ideas, but they also have to translate into antiracist activism and policies.
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Quotes
Kendi remembers a dinner date with his girlfriend Sadiqa, an easygoing, brilliant, antiracist doctor. On their date, they saw a white man grotesquely fondle a statue of the Buddha. Horrified, Sadiqa commented, “at least he’s not Black.” She meant that if a Black person did that, their actions would reinforce white people’s prejudice against Black people. Kendi now sees that this uplift-style thinking was misguided: Black people aren’t responsible for making white people “less racist.” Rather, racist people should stop blaming individual behavior on a whole group. But for Black people, unlearning “uplift-suasion ideology” can take years.
This example shows how the principles of antiracist thinking can apply to people’s everyday lives. Sadiqa’s comment, “at least he’s not Black,” indirectly defends behavioral racism because it’s based on the notion that a Black person’s misbehavior would reflect on all Black people. In reality, anyone who conflates individual with group behavior is responsible for their own racist thinking. But Kendi does not call Sadiqa an irredeemable racist or make a big deal out of her misstep—rather, he focuses on the way he and Sadiqa both learned to transform their thinking over time.
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Kendi points out that many people promote uplift-suasion ideology because of personal biases. For example, the abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison promoted it because he spent his life in the church and in the publishing industry, which tended to believe that people and society can change through education and self-reflection. But this has never worked: most people do not abandon racist ideas when they are presented with logic and reason. And these people’s racist ideas aren’t the cause of racial inequity: racist power is. In other words, policymakers and powerful people implement racist policies and spread racist ideas because it benefits them, so it’s impossible to stop these policies and ideas by appealing to their moral conscience. For example, Lincoln only freed the slaves because it was necessary to unite the country and end the Civil War.
Uplift-suasion ideology fails to uplift or persuade because it depends on a basic misconception about how racism works. It tries to fix inequities by targeting racist ideas instead of racist policies. It’s appealing to people who live their lives in the realm of ideas—like Garrison and Kendi—but people ultimately make political decisions because of self-interest. This means that a successful antiracist movement has to make policy change its primary goal.
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Get the entire How to Be an Antiracist LitChart as a printable PDF.
How to Be an Antiracist PDF
W.E.B. Du Bois spent decades arguing that equality required educating white people, until he eventually realized that the facts did not persuade anyone. But white antiracist leaders continued to believe the same thing for decades, and even today, many people wrongly think that the civil rights movement succeeded because it educated white people. But this isn’t not true: racist people in positions of power agreed to pass civil rights laws because they worried that racist discrimination would hurt the U.S.’s standing on the world stage. Although this has largely been forgotten, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. fully recognized that racism is about power, not morality or knowledge. Policy always changes first, and then hearts and minds can change. For that reason, effective activism has to focus on policy change.
Kendi sees antiracist activists repeating the same mistakes over and over again, because they have not correctly understood the history of racism and policy change. His goal as a historian is to correct this understanding. Now, he sees that activists have to build power in order to change policies, but racist power has deliberately refused to teach this dimension of history. This is how the truly radical dimensions of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s thought have been forgotten.
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Quotes
Kendi flashes back to the Black Student Union meeting he was leading. He was trying to help the Jena 6, a group of six Black men who were unfairly convicted of assault for beating up a white student, just days after that student hung nooses from a tree as a racist threat. Kendi wonders how much he was willing to sacrifice in order to save the Jena 6. He admits that, like most people, his so-called activism was about feeling better about himself, not creating change. When he proposed starting a national protest movement, the other students worried that they would get arrested, and Kendi lashed out at them. This protected his feeling of righteousness but lost their support.
Now armed with his deep understanding of history and political change, Kendi can meaningfully reflect on his own experiences with activism. While he understood that serious protests are necessary to produce change, he did not see that he needed to accommodate disagreement and persuade people to join him. Like many activists today, he ended up trying to reward and punish people’s intentions, rather than building the kind of inclusive movements that actually get policies changed. This kind of movement-building is far less glamorous or righteous than simply giving a fiery speech, but it is far more effective because racism is fundamentally about power, not ideas.
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Kendi thought he was being radical, but his strategy was the opposite: it helped people do nothing and reject change. Genuine antiracism isn’t about purity, it’s about courage—which means responding to fear with strength, when racist power relies on people responding to fear with cowardice. Kendi was being cowardly when he decided that all the other students misunderstood racism and needed to be educated. In reality, he was just blaming them for his own failure to persuade. Now, he understands that antiracists should critique and improve their strategies rather than blaming others for their failures. When they put purity before equity, activists justify inaction and cling to their own privilege. They should measure themselves by the policy changes they produce, not the ideas they believe in.
The version of activism Kendi critiques here is very common, especially in the 21st century’s largely internet-based culture. Many critics mistakenly associate Kendi with this kind of activism, which condemns people who express racist ideas (rather than condemning their ideas and giving them an opportunity to change). This form of activism is fundamentally selfish: people fight their allies in order to prove themselves, rather than fighting racist power in order to undo racism. Just as activists have to compassionately educate and accommodate others, they should also extend this compassion to themselves and strive to grow more accepting and inclusive over time.
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The Black Student Union held a demonstration—not a protest—for the Jena 6. A protest is a long-term campaign for policy change, while a demonstration is a temporary campaign to gain attention and publicity. But demonstrations usually fail, and the most they can do is “help people find the antiracist power within,” which means helping them understand their own racism, learn to see different races as equals, and take action against racist policies. They can also support protest movements by channeling resources, attention, and emotional support to them. But protests are the real agents of change. They give racist people in positions of power self-interested reasons to replace racist policies with antiracist ones. While difficult and dangerous, protest is the only kind of activism that truly creates change.
The key differences between demonstrations and protests are that protests are more sustained, require greater sacrifice, and focus on policies instead of ideas. Participating in demonstrations can get people to join movements, but just as often people participate in demonstrations instead of joining protest movements. Kendi’s message is clear: because ideas only support policies, antiracist ideas only matter if they lead to antiracist policies.
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