How to Be an Antiracist

by

Ibram X. Kendi

How to Be an Antiracist: Chapter 3: Power Summary & Analysis

Summary
Analysis
Kendi defines race as “a power construct of collected or merged difference that lives socially.”
Kendi’s definition of race has three major components: first, race is “a power construct”—it is an idea created by those in power (not by society as a whole, and not by biology). Secondly, it is based on “collected or merged difference,” which means that it lumps together a large group of people based on the ways they differ from those who develop the idea of race. And thirdly, it “lives socially,” which means that, after those in power create it, the concept of race circulates throughout the rest of society.
Themes
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Kendi remembers visiting an elementary school in the suburbs when he was seven. Like many American parents, his mom and dad didn’t want him to attend his neighborhood elementary school, where the students were mainly poor and Black. Kendi asked why the suburban school only had one Black teacher. He explains why: he spent his childhood reading biographies of Black political and cultural leaders and was already going through “racial puberty,” or becoming aware of how race and racism shape society.
Kendi’s process of “racial puberty” reveals how Americans learn the social codes of race and racism over time. One example is this common division of educational resources in the United States, in which schools in poorer neighborhoods have less funding than those in the suburbs. It’s also far more common to see white teachers teaching Black students than Black teachers teaching white students. These divisions reflect, reinforce, and normalize the racist hierarchy that considers Black people inferior to white people.
Themes
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Race is a very powerful force, but it’s also “a mirage.” When Kendi calls himself Black, he’s not saying that “Blackness, or race, is a meaningful scientific category.” Rather, race is a product of history—especially the history of racist policies. By identifying as Black, Kendi aligns himself with other Black people, marginalized groups, and struggles for justice. Meanwhile, whiteness is considered a neutral or default identity in the United States, so many white people never have to think about what it means to be white or recognize the advantages that whiteness gives them. Ultimately, all racial identities are products of power. In other words, race is a way of dividing people into groups, which allows those in power to treat these groups differently.
Kendi makes the point that race is both real and a “mirage”: it is a made-up construct, but it has significant power to shape people’s lives and the physical world. Many people have difficulty recognizing that both of these things are true at the same time. For instance, people who claim to be “color-blind” assume that, because race is made up by people, it doesn’t have any effects, while people who see racial differences all around them assume that race must be biological or genetic. When Kendi explains his Blackness, however, he does so in a purely social way: it’s about political, historical, and community ties. But he clarifies that it’s misleading to just call race social, because this implies that everyone in society created it together. Rather, it specifically came from those in power.
Themes
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Quotes
The construct of race first emerged in 15th-century in Portugal. Until that point, anyone could be enslaved in Europe—but Prince Henry the Navigator realized that it would be more profitable to stop dealing with middlemen and instead send ships to directly enslave people in West Africa. Prince Henry’s biographer, Gomes de Zurara, grouped all of these African people together—regardless of the color of their skin, the language they spoke, or their ethnic identities.
Kendi shows that it’s not human nature to divide people by race—rather, this has a specific historical start date. Like all racist ideas, the first racial categories were a way for powerful people to justify violent and unequal policies. Specifically, Gomes de Zurara  lumped all Africans together in order to paint Prince Henry’s slave auction as a justifiable venture.
Themes
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The History of Racist Ideas and Policies Theme Icon
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The word “race” came into common usage about a century later, as a way to create a ranked hierarchy of different kinds of people. But Gomes de Zurara’s hierarchy was “the first racist idea.” He compared Africans to animals who lacked reason and morality. The Spanish and Portuguese eventually applied the same logic in the Americas. They labeled all the indigenous people they encountered as “Indians” and then argued that Black people were strong—natural laborers to be enslaved—while Indians were weak—and naturally deserved extermination. The modern four-way racial hierarchy emerged in 1755, when Carl Linnaeus divided the world into “White, Yellow, Red, and Black” people and, unsurprisingly, put white Europeans on top. Next were “strict, haughty, greedy” Asians; then “ill-tempered, impassive” indigenous Americans; and finally “crafty, slow, careless” Africans.
It's misleading to just say that racism facilitated European slavery and colonialism—rather, colonialism and slavery invented racism in the first place. Our modern-day concepts of race are really just artifacts from this history. Before the 15th century, human beings certainly interacted with people from other groups, but there wasn’t an all-encompassing classification system that would slot every single person into one of four races. Notably, the personality traits that Linnaeus attached to his early racial hierarchy are still common racist stereotypes. It’s clear that Linnaeus formulated them in order to justify European domination over the rest of the world.
Themes
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Gomes de Zurara used the concept of race to argue that Prince Henry was civilizing African people by enslaving them, not just exploiting them for profit. This would improve Prince Henry’s reputation and defend him from criticism. Kendi explains that this is usually how racist power, policies, and ideas relate: “a racist power creates racist policies out of raw self-interest [and] the racist policies necessitate racist ideas to justify them.” Most people have it backwards—they think that hate and ignorance create racist ideas, which lead to racist policies. But, in reality, racist power’s self-interest always comes first.
Gomes de Zurara’s argument that slavery was a way of improving Black people became a common assimilationist refrain for several centuries. But Kendi explains that people don’t recite this idea because they genuinely want to “civilize” Black people. Rather, they are protecting their own “raw self-interest.” Racist ideas generally take this form: they have an apparent motive (in this case, civilizing and improving an inferior race) and a real, unspoken motive of self-interest.
Themes
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The History of Racist Ideas and Policies Theme Icon
Quotes
Kendi returns to his memory of visiting the suburban elementary school and asking the sole Black teacher why there were no others. She replied that the school hadn’t hired any, and she didn’t know why. Kendi was confused, but his dad changed the subject. Kendi ended up in a different school.
Like many Americans, the adults in the room didn’t know how to talk about the obvious racial inequity in front of them: the school’s lack of Black teachers. Kendi was starting to become aware of racism at this age, so he could tell that something was wrong even though he couldn’t articulate it. In sharing this anecdote, Kendi implies that it’s important for the racial makeup of a school’s teaching staff to reflect that of its student body.
Themes
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Activism and Social Transformation Theme Icon