Pedagogy of the Oppressed: Chapter 4 Summary & Analysis

Freire spends the final chapter discussing his theory of cultural action, or how people create changes in their culture and society. He starts by reiterating the need for praxis (combined reflection and action) and argues that praxis requires theory (a critical framework) in order to be complete. Revolutionary leaders and oppressed people should both use praxis while struggling for liberation so that the leaders are not merely imposing their will onto the oppressed. Otherwise, the struggle will be hollow—Freire says that a “revolution for the people” is equivalent to “a revolution without the people.” A revolution that sees oppressed people as ignorant, or objectifies them, buys into the myths oppressors use to keep their power. To Freire, the key to an effective revolution is dialogue: both oppressors and revolutionaries have methods of changing society, but the oppressors’ methods are inherently “antidialogical.” Just as “problem-posing” education relies on dialogue, an effective revolution must be educational in nature.

Conquest. “Antidialogical action” is a way of changing culture that serves the interests of oppressors. The most important aspect of antidialogical action is conquest: oppressors try to control people and the world by conquering and owning them. To prevent any further cultural change, they create myths about the world—such as the idea that oppression is permanent and encourages freedom, and that oppressed people must adapt to it. These myths are found in everything from religion and economics to education and property. Propaganda and mass media ensure that oppressed people internalize these myths, and cannot have authentic dialogue about the true nature of reality. Freire then emphasizes again that any oppressive situation is opposed to dialogue.

Divide and Rule. Oppressors divide and isolate oppressed people to prevent them from organizing together for liberation. This creates rifts among different groups of oppressed people and discourages them from dialogue. One example Freire uses is community development projects that separate local communities from each other—when communities cannot see that their problems are related, they are less likely to fight the oppressors’ agenda. Another is the way that governments approach communities by selecting leaders, instead of treating everyone in the group equally. And since oppressed people are already trained to see their oppressors as good, this can alienate community leaders from the people they are supposed to serve. In this context, oppressors use “false generosity” to make the oppressed believe that they are being helped. However, this false generosity relies on conquest to keep the oppressed in need of help.

Manipulation. Oppressors use manipulation to control oppressed people and to prevent them from challenging the oppressors’ power. The myths used in conquest are one example of this manipulation, but it also shows up when oppressor and oppressed classes make pacts (or other formal agreements) together. This creates the illusion of dialogue, but in reality the oppressors determine what the agreement is and then often don’t follow it. Manipulation occurs when oppressed people first start to question the oppressive system. To combat it, revolutionary leaders should use critical awareness to constantly question the oppressors’ authority. Freire contrasts revolutionary leaders with populist leaders, who claim to be an intermediary between the oppressed and their oppressors. Freire sees populism, along with things like welfare programs, as tools for manipulation that ultimately distract the oppressed from understanding the actual cause of their problems: oppression itself.

Cultural Invasion. In cultural invasion, oppressors impose their own values and beliefs onto an oppressed culture. Cultural invasion makes oppressed peoples’ perspective align with that of the oppressors, so that the oppressors’ culture seems superior. This pushes oppressed people to become more like the oppressors, and stabilizes the oppressors’ position. Freire argues that cultural invasion is both a tool and a result of oppression, and that traditional homes and schools also use forms of the oppressive hierarchy. However, he says that the revolution can also convert “professionals” in education and government who come to understand the nature of oppression. Freire then breaks down the revolutionary process into two stages: “dialogical action” that combats the oppressors’ power, and a “cultural revolution” that forms a new reality after the oppressed have won. While oppressors try to invade, and transform society, revolutions try to develop society in partnership with the oppressed.

Cooperation. From here, Freire discusses “dialogical action,” which is what revolutionary leaders should use to attack the oppressors’ antidialogical methods. Revolutionary leaders must have the support, dialogue, and trust of oppressed people to be effective, and cooperation is how this happens. Unlike conquest, cooperation allows a revolutionary group to focus on oppression as a primary problem to solve. Leaders should account for oppressed peoples’ internalized beliefs while validating their knowledge—and Freire includes a quote from Che Guevara that emphasizes how oppressed people helped create his political ideology. When done properly, this cooperation can create a fusion of the oppressed and their leaders into a united force.

Unity for Liberation. While oppressors see unity as dangerous, revolutionary leaders must seek unity in every part of the liberation movement. This is a difficult task, because oppression inherently divides and alienates people from the world and from each other. For example, when oppressed people believe that the future is fixed, they will believe that changing the future with others is impossible. Therefore, achieving unity requires oppressed people to understand how and why they hold these beliefs—they must become aware of the myths that the oppressors have imposed on them. If successful, oppressed people will begin to see themselves as member of an oppressed class, a larger group that stands in opposition to the oppressor class. This diminishes the oppressors’ power, and enables the oppressed to more easily organize.

Organization. Organization is the opposite of manipulation, and is the natural result of unity. While unifying the oppressed, revolutionary leaders are also trying to organize them to view liberation as a common goal. These leaders must show “witness” to oppressed people—they must express the importance of liberation, and show that they are acting out of love  and faith in the oppressed. Freire points out that oppressors do organize themselves apart from the people, which is why revolutionary leaders must organize “themselves with the people.” Although these leaders should use discipline and guidance to keep their group focused, they cannot manipulate or conquer the oppressed along the way. To Freire, organization is a “highly educational process” that teaches both oppressed people and their leaders how to wield authority and freedom in service of each other.

Cultural Synthesis. Lastly, cultural synthesis is the opposite of cultural invasion. Freire says that all cultural action either attempts to preserve or change society; when it includes dialogue, cultural action can overcome the contradictions of oppressive society and achieve liberation for all people. Cultural synthesis does this by treating different cultures equally, and giving them both the same authority. Freire then points back to the “thematic investigations” in Chapter 3, noting that the process can help create cultural synthesis among the oppressed. It pushes people from different cultures to support each other and engage in dialogue, and it brings oppressed people’s goals together with those of revolutionary leaders. Freire ends by returning to the broader ideas behind his cultural action theory: it is necessary to theorize methods for freedom because the oppressors need to theorize methods for domination. This theory of dialogical action is the direct result of praxis and dialogue among the oppressed and leaders, with the goal of humanizing all people.