Pocahontas and the Powhatan Dilemma

by

Camilla Townsend

Pocahontas and the Powhatan Dilemma: Chapter 6 Summary & Analysis

Summary
Analysis
Several months after her initial capture, Pocahontas remains imprisoned at Jamestown. Though Powhatan has sent back captive colonists and weapons in exchange for Pocahontas’s release, her English captors refuse to make a trade. Jamestown is, at the time, under strict military rule—Sir Thomas Gates and his second-in-command, Sir Thomas Dale, rule with such iron-fisted cruelty that a report from a Spanish captive at the time claims “many [had] gone over to the Indians.”
This passage shows that as the English’s desperation to maintain a façade of power and stability increased, their flexibility in terms of political negotiations with the local tribes decreased. Though things were bad for them, they didn’t want to be seen or imagined as wanting or needing anything from the Powhatan people.
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About 50 miles north of Jamestown, another there is another colony called Henrico with is smaller but happier. Several months into Pocahontas’s captivity, she is relocated there in hopes that she might be “socialized” by the white men and women who comprise the colony’s majority—at Jamestown, many Spaniards and Indian captives make up the population. Pocahontas is delivered to the household of Reverend Alexander Whitaker, who has built a church across the river. Here, Pocahontas is dressed in English clothing, instructed further in the English language, and given a copy of the King James Bible to learn. The reverend, though Pocahontas’s jailer, is “determined to treat her with such kindness that [she would allow him to] control her hopes, her thoughts, her very life.” Whitaker, born into a wealthy family of scholars, had come to Virginia in 1611, hoping to convert as many Indians as he could to Protestantism.
This passage, Townsend suggests, contains many of the seeds that eventually grew into the myth of Pocahontas. As Pocahontas’s value to the English as an example of their power to influence and convert the Algonkian tribes increased, she became less of a person and more of a figurehead in the eyes of her captors. The root of Pocahontas’s status as a mythologized figure, Townsend posits, lies here: in Pocahontas’s potential as an emblem of Protestant might. 
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During the week, Pocahontas has lessons in language, conversation, and religion with Whitaker—who viewed her less as a person, Townsend writes, and more as a way to test his ability to convert natives. On weekends, Pocahontas joins Whitaker in town, where he preaches. It is on one of these Sundays, Townsend presumes, that Pocahontas and the widowed John Rolfe first meet. By the end of the winter of 1613, Rolfe writers a letter to Thomas Dale asking permission to marry Pocahontas and professing his love for the young woman. Though Pocahontas is unconverted—and though Rolfe expresses reservations about her “background”—he also uses impassioned language as he describes his love for her and his wish to marry her.  
Townsend attempts to show that Pocahontas was less of a person to her captors than an idea—and suggests that John Rolfe, in spite of his declarations of love for her, might have seen her the same way. Rolfe seemed embarrassed and doubtful about loving an Indian woman—he clearly didn’t see or appreciate Pocahontas’s humanity as thoroughly as his impassioned letters might suggest.
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Townsend uses a combination of records and speculation to construct Rolfe’s qualms and quandaries during this time. He loved Pocahontas, but the Bible warned against taking “strange wives.” Rolfe tried to fight his passion for the woman—he was also no doubt, Townsend writes, full of guilt over the fact that he had, by his own admission, begun to forget his recently-deceased first wife. Rolfe’s letters reflect his determination to assure Pocahontas’s conversion to Christianity—perhaps to mitigate his own guilt, and perhaps to ensure that their potential children would be Christians.
Later in the narrative, Townsend will reveal that Rolfe’s letters to others were not always entirely truthful. While she doesn’t cast outright doubt on the contents of his letters about his love for Pocahontas, she does suggest that Rolfe’s desire for Pocahontas wasn’t rooted in authentic love for the person she was, but belief in the potential of the person colonization could make her into.
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Though Rolfe’s feelings are evident in his many letters and diary entries, Townsend writes, there is not even a scrap of information about Pocahontas’s feelings for Rolfe—or her motivations for accepting his proposal and allowing herself to be baptized. Townsend turns to anthropological, cultural, and historical perspective to fill in the blanks about what Pocahontas may have been thinking. It is “impossible,” Townsend writes, that Pocahontas was motivated (as the cultural myths about her have so often suggested she was) by genuine love of the English or belief in Christianity. She most likely had independent agendas of her own—but no real control over her own circumstances. At the same time, Pocahontas was not likely forced into marriage, as three of her relatives attended the ceremony—the question, then, Townsend writes, becomes why an Algonkian noblewoman would “cross into another world” forever.
Again, Townsend laments that any writing or records in Pocahontas’s own voice are lost. She attempts, again, to reconstruct the motivations that might have been operating behind Pocahontas’s decision-making as she converted to Christianity and married Rolfe. Townsend ultimately suggests that Pocahontas, like her father, was politically savvy in a way the English didn’t fully understand—or weren’t willing to see. 
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Townsend suggests that Pocahontas, following a “time-honored custom,” married her enemy in order to bear children who would owe their allegiance to both sides. Powhatan even sent a letter, prior to the marriage, suggesting Pocahontas find a way to stay with the English—a letter that seems to confirm that both Pocahontas and her father were thinking strategically. It is also worth remembering, Townsend writes, that in her own tribe, Pocahontas would not have been eligible for a “politically significant match”—but here, in Henrico, she was a princess in the English’s eyes, and could create a meaningful and potentially powerful alliance.
Pocahontas continued to realize that she had to make her own political significance, not having been born to any. Whereas she once made herself useful as a translator, she now realized that in spite of her position as a captive, she had an opportunity to become something more—both to the English and to her own people. She could potentially use her father’s political methods to heal the relationship between her people and their colonizers from the inside out.
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Quotes
Townsend rewinds the narrative a bit to March of 1614 in order to illustrate how Pocahontas’s marriage—and her remaining with the English in Henrico—was, in fact, politically significant. After Sir Thomas Dale takes over as governor of Virginia, he immediately launches an offensive against Powhatan, using Pocahontas as a pawn. With the young woman and many soldiers, he sails upriver from the settlement in search of Powhatan. Even with Pocahontas as a bargaining chip, though, they are barred from meeting with the chief. Instead, John Rolfe and another settler are brought to meet with Opechankeno, who relays Powhatan’s wishes that Pocahontas stay with the English as Dale’s symbolic “child.” Pocahontas’s willingness to do so in her father’s name, Townsend asserts, effectively ends the war that had been raging for so many years.
Townsend provides this anecdote in order to show the basis in which Pocahontas began to see herself not as a pawn, but as a potential politician. She knew that her father wanted her back in his care—but at the same time, she knew that as the settlers were barring her from returning to him, there might be a way for her to secure a different kind of freedom and agency. Pocahontas, Townsend suggests, did the best she could for herself and her people in the midst of miserable circumstances.
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