Hind Swaraj

by

Mohandas K. Gandhi

Indian Nationhood and Identity Theme Analysis

Themes and Colors
Passive Resistance and Indian Independence Theme Icon
Modern Civilization and Colonialism Theme Icon
The Personal and the Political Theme Icon
Indian Nationhood and Identity Theme Icon
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Indian Nationhood and Identity Theme Icon

In Hind Swaraj, Gandhi speaks to a profoundly fractured population. Largely because of English colonialism’s divide-and-conquer strategy, Indians have started to define themselves as separate groups based on differing religious, linguistic, regional, political, caste, class, and cultural identities. When they start turning against each other instead of working together to fight for independence, Gandhi thinks, Indians are letting these artificial divisions get the best of them and indirectly helping the English maintain power. While Indians bicker about who should belong to the future Indian nation, Gandhi argues that India has always been—and will always be—a single unified nation. He declares that Hindus and Muslims, North Indians and South Indians, and moderates and extremists in the Indian National Congress are really all like quarreling brothers: their conflicts are temporary, but their familial bonds are eternal. In fact, Gandhi emphasizes India’s historical, cultural, and spiritual unity precisely in order to help Indians learn to view themselves as a single nation and demand independence with a single, unified voice.

When he wrote Hind Swaraj in 1909, Gandhi was confronting a profoundly divided India, and he worried that these divisions would weaken the movement for independence. The first division Gandhi notes in his book is the bitter political divide between extremist and the moderate independence activists in the Indian National Congress. He also talks about the militant activists he recently met in London, who call themselves the Young India Party—the reader initially appears to be one of them. The moderates and extremists are divided by their tactics: the moderates want to petition the colonial government for independence, while the extremists want to start an armed rebellion and assassinate British officials. But because the moderates and extremists can’t agree on anything, they aren’t making any progress towards actually liberating India from British rule.

The other crucial division that Gandhi addresses is the growing animosity between Hindus and Muslims in India. Indeed, the reader—who is clearly a Hindu—argues that there is an “inborn enmity” between Hindus and Muslims. He considers Muslims to be violent, unclean, and immoral—especially because many Muslims eat meat. These beliefs were common, and they particularly disturbed Gandhi. As a result of the religious split, India’s Muslim minority had begun advocating for a separate state. Gandhi strongly disagreed with this idea, which threatened the prospect of a unified fight for independence.

Gandhi argues that Indians are divided not because of their differing political or religious beliefs, but because of colonialism and modern civilization. In reality, he concludes that India always has been—and always will be—a single, unified nation. Although moderates and extremists disagree on how to achieve Indian independence, Gandhi emphasizes that this is only a superficial division: they want the same thing and belong to the same party. Even though the reader looks down on the leaders of the Indian National Congress, Gandhi carefully emphasizes that they—like several generations of Indian activists and revolutionaries before them—have dedicated their lives to the cause of Indian independence. In other words, while the extremist revolutionaries think they stand alone against the British, Gandhi reminds them that they are actually part of a long tradition of Indian nationalists and independence fighters. This long tradition only exists because Indians have long seen themselves as a unified national community.

Gandhi also insists that Hindus and Muslims can and should live in harmony. They did so for many centuries before the British arrived, and they only became rivals because of Britain’s divide-and-conquer strategy. While the reader subscribes to the common misconception that India was a unified Hindu nation until Muslims invaded and took over the Indian Subcontinent, the editor corrects him: India has always been ethnically, culturally, and religiously mixed. Hindus lived peacefully under Muslim rulers and vice-versa. Most importantly, Gandhi emphasizes that Hindus and Muslims fundamentally believe the same things. They worship the same God, their scriptures are very similar, and they subscribe to the same fundamental moral values—specifically, they are humble with regards to material things, but strive ambitiously for spiritual improvement. Gandhi argues that Indians should unite around these shared values, which he calls ancient civilization, or the “religion which underlies all religions.” Because they share the values of ancient civilization, Hindus and Muslims also follow a common social structure: they traditionally live in rural, relatively egalitarian village communities. He believes that these shared values and traditional social structures should form the basis for Indians’ demand for independence.

The implications of Gandhi’s argument are clear: if India has and will always be a single nation, then the Indian people should look past their superficial differences and demand independence with a unified voice. As a result, Indians could form a single, democratic, and pluralistic nation—not a patchwork of different ones based on divisions of religion or ideology. This is why Gandhi wanted India to be a secular democracy, even though he thinks its people should be traditional and deeply religious. The government shouldn’t follow any particular religion, but rather the “religion which underlines all religions” and therefore unifies all Indians, whether Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Buddhist, Sikh, Jain, Jewish, Baha’i, or Parsi.

Ultimately, the British ultimately partitioned India into two, against Gandhi’s wishes. Pakistan became an officially Muslim state, but India was founded to be an inclusive, secular democracy. However, Gandhi would likely see this as a limited victory, because in practice the Hindu nationalist movement—which was responsible for Gandhi’s assassination and has fought to oppress Muslims since independence—remains powerful to this day.

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Indian Nationhood and Identity Quotes in Hind Swaraj

Below you will find the important quotes in Hind Swaraj related to the theme of Indian Nationhood and Identity.
Chapter 8 Quotes

Religion is dear to me, and my first complaint is that India is becoming irreligious. Here I am not thinking of the Hindu, the Mahomedan, or the Zoroastrian religion, but of that religion which underlies all religions. We are turning away from God. […] Hinduism, Islamism, Zoroastrianism, Christianity and all other religions teach that we should remain passive about worldly pursuits and active about godly pursuits, that we should set a limit to our worldly ambition, and that our religious ambition should be illimitable.

Related Characters: The Editor (speaker)
Page Number: 41-42
Explanation and Analysis:
Chapter 9 Quotes

The English have taught us that we were not one nation before, and that it will require centuries before we become one nation. This is without foundation. We were one nation before they came to India. One thought inspired us. Our mode of life was the same. It was because we were one nation that they were able to establish one kingdom. Subsequently they divided us.

Related Characters: The Editor (speaker)
Page Number: 47
Explanation and Analysis:
Chapter 10 Quotes

If two brothers want to live in peace, is it possible for a third party to separate them? If they were to listen to evil counsels, we would consider them to be foolish. Similarly, we Hindus and Mahomedans would have to blame our folly rather than the English, if we allowed them to put us asunder. A clay-pot would break through impact; if not with one stone, then with another. The way to save the pot is not to keep it away from the danger point, but to bake it so that no stone would break it. We have then to make our hearts of perfectly baked clay. Then we shall be steeled against all danger. This can be easily done by the Hindus. They are superior in numbers, they pretend that they are more educated, they are, therefore, better able to shield themselves from attack on their amicable relations with the Mahomedans.

Related Characters: The Editor (speaker)
Page Number: 55
Explanation and Analysis:
Chapter 13 Quotes

Civilisation is that mode of conduct which points out to man the path of duty. Performance of duty and observance of morality are convertible terms. To observe morality is to attain mastery over our mind and our passions. So doing, we know ourselves. The Gujarati equivalent for civilisation means “good conduct.”

Related Characters: The Editor (speaker)
Page Number: 65
Explanation and Analysis:
Chapter 15 Quotes

By patriotism I mean the welfare of the whole people, and, if I could secure it at the hands of the English, I should bow down my head to them. If any Englishman dedicated his life to securing the freedom of India, resisting tyranny and serving the land, I should welcome that Englishman as an Indian.

Related Characters: The Editor (speaker)
Page Number: 75
Explanation and Analysis:
Chapter 20 Quotes

What, then, would you say to both the parties?

Related Characters: The Reader (speaker), The Editor
Page Number: 110
Explanation and Analysis:

1. Real home-rule is self-rule or self-control.
2. The way to it is passive resistance: that is soul-force or love-force.
3. In order to exert this force, Swadeshi in every sense is necessary.
4. What we want to do should be done, not because we object to the English or that we want to retaliate, but because it is our duty to do so. Thus, supposing that the English remove the salt-tax, restore our money, give the highest posts to Indians, withdraw the English troops, we shall certainly not use their machine-made goods, nor use the English language, nor many of their industries. It is worth noting that these things are, in their nature, harmful; hence we do not want them. I bear no enmity towards the English, but I do towards their civilisation.

Related Characters: The Editor (speaker)
Page Number: 116-117
Explanation and Analysis: