Sapiens

by

Yuval Noah Harari

Sapiens: Chapter 8 Summary & Analysis

Summary
Analysis
Harari revisits imagined orders, saying they make humans cooperate in large numbers, but they’re “neither neutral nor fair.” Hammurabi’s Code argues that aristocracy are innately superior to commoners and slaves, meaning aristocracy get to live much better lives under that imagined order. The Hindu caste system also establishes some groups of people as innately superior. White supremacists believe that white people are genetically superior, so their imagined order marginalizes people of color. Capitalism celebrates the wealthy and characterizes the poor as indolent or lazy. Harari thinks it's important to remember “these hierarchies are all the product of human imagination.” No “known biological difference” exists between slaves and aristocracy, and there’s no biological evidence connecting race to intelligence or moral aptitude.
Harari reasserts his claim that myths, stories, and “imagined orders” (which structure human societies) work because they make people cooperate, not because they’re true, “neutral,” or fair to everyone who believes in them and follows their rules. Such myths tend to stick because people think they’re true (or somehow rooted in biology), but Harari emphasizes that they’re invented. This suggests that human beings can change their societies (and the hierarchies they establish) by changing the myths they rally around. 
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Quotes
To Harari, it seems that large, complex societies rely on discrimination to work: people create order in their societies by dividing people into categories, which makes cooperation more efficient. Strangers don’t have to get to know each other personally. Instead, they make assessments about how to interact on the basis of obvious social cues (like markers of wealth, gender, or race). The downside of this, to Harari, is that not everyone gets the chance to discover their individual potential, especially if they’re treated poorly for being low in the hierarchy. Imagined orders, thus, make societies flourish, but they also rig the game in favor of some groups of people.
Harari reminds the reader that imagined orders work because they segregate people, assign them different roles in a society, and keep people in their social place, enabling the society to run efficiently on a large scale. These systems keep societies running, but they often exploit individuals who are lower down in the hierarchies. As before, Harari thus suggests, that it’s possible to change the structure of a society by changing the myths that society rallies around.
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Harari thinks all societies are based on imagined hierarchies, but he wonders why the actual hierarchies differ between societies. He thinks hierarchies come about by historical happenstance. He suggests the Hindu caste system (which determines which job a person can have in society) came about when Indo-Aryans invaded the Indian subcontinent in 2000 B.C.E and subjugated the local population. The rulers likely created a story that “cosmic forces” established them as the priests and warriors (high castes), and the local population as servants (low castes). They also argued that the castes had to stay separate, because the local population (or lower caste) were “impure.” This kept the society in order but marginalized the local population in the long term.
Harari uses the example of the Hindu caste system to emphasize that imagined orders often claim to be true, but that’s not why they work: imagined orders work because they separate individuals into categories, assign them specific roles (like being a servant or a ruler), and they establish ways of keeping those people separate to ensure they keep doing the same job in the long-term. This consequently enables all the necessary roles to be filled in society, so that it can keep running. Once again, Harari stresses that these systems work because they make people cooperate, not because they’re true or fair.
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Harari thinks convenience determined the United States’s racial hierarchies. European conquerors imported slaves from Africa and not East Asia because transport costs from Africa was lower. They also avoided Latin American slaves because of a widespread malaria outbreak at the time. These circumstances led early American leaders to create a caste system of their own. They imagined white people were biologically smarter and more moral than Black people. They also argued that Black people spread disease to prevent intermingling and keep the hierarchy in place. Even after slavery was abolished, the stigma stuck—many saw Black people as lazy, unintelligent, and innately less prone to succeed in life, even though poverty and lack of opportunities actually limited their chances.
Harari uses racial segregation in the United States to emphasize that imagined orders often claim to be rooted in biology (for example, white supremacists think they’re genetically superior to Black people), but in fact, they come about by chance. Despite the fact that such systems are completely invented, they work because people actually believe them, meaning it’s hard for an individual to break out of a myth once it’s become established. This is why, Harari suggests, racism still persists in the United States. Harari thus emphasizes how powerful and entrenched myths can become in a society, even though they’re not rooted in facts or biology.
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Although it seems like humanity should realize imagined hierarchies are myths, the prejudices they establish create “vicious circles” that keep people disenfranchised. After slavery was abolished, social prejudices prevented access to education for Black people, which made others believe they really were less intelligent, prompting them to establish more discriminatory laws to prevent intermingling, thereby reinforcing, rather than dismantling the original imagined hierarchy. Harari thinks imagined hierarchies can persist for centuries and even millennia, even though they’re rooted in chance events.
Harari continues discussing racism in the United States to show why myths are hard to break out of. When people believe that they are innately superior to others, and they think that they’ll lose their high social status by interacting with those who are lower in the hierarchy, they tend to create more ways to segregate themselves, thereby entrenching themselves deeper in the myth. As before, Harari shows that such myths persist because they’re socially reinforced, not because they’re true or fair. 
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Harari recalls that different societies adopt different imagined hierarchies. Race matters in the United States, but it wasn’t so important in medieval Muslim societies. Caste matters in India but not in many other societies. One hierarchy that prevails across societies, however, is the one between men and women. Harari wonders if there’s a biological justification for societies that privilege men over women. Harari thinks the question get murky because human beings tend to isolate biological differences (like having a womb) and use them to keep people in a marginalized social place. Harari also thinks about modern human societies that claim homosexuality is unnatural—noting that ancient societies (like Ancient Greece) believed the opposite.
Harari continues arguing that about the myths and stories humans create to segregate themselves from each other are completely invented, and not rooted in any biological truth. He’s going to tackle gender and sexuality next. Many people assume that they can rely on biological differences to categorize people when it comes to gender and sexuality, but Harari disagrees. To Harari, people do have biological differences, but when human societies connect those differences to rules about what a person can or can’t do in a society, they’re creating myths, not stating biological facts.
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Harari thinks that culture, and not biology, is responsible for creating rules that limit human activity. For example, biology enables women to have children, and it enables men to enjoy having sex with other men. Culture puts limitations on these activities—for example, by dissuading women from staying childless, or prohibiting men from realizing their capability to enjoy sex with other men. Culture tends to say it prohibits things that are “unnatural,” but to Harari, nothing is unnatural in biology: things are only possible or impossible. He thinks this idea of “natural” and “unnatural” activities actually comes from Christian theology, and he argues that Christian doctrine considers person’s behavior natural when they do what God wants, and unnatural otherwise.
To Harari, the cultural idea that some behaviors are “natural” and “unnatural” is a fiction, or a myth that humans invent. He stresses that, in nature, there are no rules about what behavior permissible or acceptable. Things are either possible (e.g., getting enjoyment from same-sex sexual activity) or impossible (e.g., humans flapping their arms and flying). Rules about what kind of behavior is permissible or acceptable are, thus, entirely invented, and not rooted in biological facts.
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Harari decides it’s silly to say that it’s “natural” for women to give birth and “unnatural” for people to be homosexual. Although biological differences do exist between people—some have XX chromosomes, ovaries, and less testosterone, while others have XY chromosomes, testicles and more testosterone—there’s no biological evidence connecting these differences with social capabilities like being smart enough to vote. Gendered concepts like masculinity and femininity are typically socially—rather than biologically—enforced, and they tend to fluctuate across societies and time periods.
Harari stresses that human beings often pick out a biological difference (like whether or not a person possesses a womb) and attach a social rule to that difference (like whether or not a person with a womb can vote). Individuals who are entrenched in an imagined order (say, they believe that men are superior to women) tend to think their beliefs are rooted in biology and facts, but they’re actually not. To Harari, every single rule that determines how a person should act in a society is invented.
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Although social rules vary widely across societies and time periods, nearly all human societies since the Agricultural Revolution have been patriarchal—they tend to place men at the top of their social hierarchies. Harari says there are many theories suggesting that men are biologically superior to women, but he’s not convinced by any of them. One theory suggests that men are physically stronger, and they used their physical power to suppress women. Harari doesn’t agree. He thinks there’s no necessary correlation between being strong and being in charge, noting that any societies privilege their elderly, despite their physical frailty.
Patriarchal myths assume men should rule societies because of their biological capabilities (such as greater physical strength), but Harari disagrees. Harari argues that there’s no connection between having a biological capability (such as more muscle power) and being more suited to rule a society. He thus underscores that biological differences have no connection with the social roles a person should inhabit in society.
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Another theory suggests that men are more violent and aggressive, and they use their aggression to assert dominance. Harari agrees that men’s hormones do make them more aggressive, but to him, that means men make good soldiers, not good leaders. Yet another theory suggests that biological differences (such as childbearing) made women evolve to be dependent on men to survive, but Harari thinks women in history could have just as easily relied on help from other women, so there’s nothing substantive in that claim either.
Harari looks at aggression and childrearing to argue, as before, that there’s no reason why these capabilities should determine a person’s role in a society. As before, he emphasizes that rules about social roles are entirely invented and never rooted biology. To Harari, a myth may be pervasive (like patriarchy) but that doesn’t make it true.
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