One significant difficulty in the negotiation theory presented in Getting to Yes is that it only works smoothly if all parties have roughly equal power. For example, activists negotiating with the government, small businesses negotiating with giant international conglomerates, and employees negotiating with management often have to cope with overwhelming inequalities in power. In such situations, the more powerful party in the negotiation has little to gain by playing fair, and so underdogs have to work extra hard to keep them honest. However, the authors argue that real power in a negotiation really depends on each side’s ability to set the rules of the negotiation itself, and so principled negotiation about the actual negotiation process is an underdog’s best tool for evening out power imbalances.
Although negotiation theory presumes equality, real negotiations almost always involve power imbalances, which are based on parties’ ability to control the rules of the game itself. People often assume that the party with more power in general will always have more power in a specific negotiation, but this is not true. For instance, during the Iran hostage crisis, a small group of Iranian college students had power over the U.S. government precisely because they had hostages. The U.S. government had far more to lose than the students, who could afford to walk away, which gave them the upper hand in structuring the negotiation process and making demands. This shows that power in a negotiation is not only about money, status, and political connections (although all of those factors certainly come into play). Rather, it is really about what each party can do to shape the very process of negotiation, and this depends on how much each party stands to gain or lose by resolving the dispute in question. Based on this insight, the authors argue that the best way to understand each party’s position in a negotiation is to identify their BATNA, or Best Alternative To a Negotiated Agreement. In other words, what will they do if they have to walk away? By specifically identifying a BATNA, people can figure out the opportunity cost of choosing to negotiate. The stronger their BATNA, the less they have to lose by walking away, so whichever side has a better BATNA tends to have more power in the negotiation.
Because power depends on the structure of the negotiation process, dishonest negotiators try to manipulate this process, while underdogs’ best resource is principled negotiation about it. One classic way to negotiate about the process is to threaten to walk away—or, in other words, to opt for one’s BATNA. While negotiators often overuse this tactic, in extreme cases, it can force wishy-washy opponents to start taking negotiations seriously. But BATNAs are never fixed: underdogs can always change their BATNA, or even manipulate the other side’s. For instance, a prospective homebuyer can improve their BATNA by looking at other properties, and a nation can get another to follow a nuclear treaty by building up international pressure. The homebuyer and the government start out at a disadvantage because (in both cases) the other side has nothing to lose by walking away from the negotiation. But, by giving themselves better alternatives, the homebuyer and government increase their negotiating power and give the other side a strong motivation to actually come to an agreement.
The authors also point out that underdog negotiators often have to work extra hard to keep the other side negotiating on principles. This is because powerful negotiators have a lot to gain by insisting on positional bargaining, particularly when they recognize that they are in the wrong. For example, when tenant Frank Turnbull asks his landlord Mrs. Jones why she has charged him more than the legal maximum monthly rent on his apartment, Jones accuses him of trying to extort her. She knows that she has more power in a positional bargaining situation, because she already has Turnbull’s money, but Turnbull has more power in a principled negotiation because his position is backed up by the principles. So Mrs. Jones uses a personal attack as a provocation, hoping to divert the conversation from objective principles. But Turnbull responds with a strategy the authors call negotiation jujitsu: he deflects her personal attacks and insists on debating the principles. Even though his BATNA is weak—he would just take the loss and move somewhere else—Turnbull makes up for his powerlessness by refusing to take Mrs. Jones’s bait and insisting on negotiating on the even playing field of principles. Eventually, he convinces her to pay him back what he is due.
In their last chapter, the authors look at deceptive, bad faith negotiation strategies that negotiators use to take advantage of power imbalances. These range from the blatant, like lying about the issues or making false promises, to the subtle, like insisting on meeting in a freezing cold room or seating the other side in the direct sunlight. These power-grab tactics work by creating new, one-sided pressures in the negotiation process. But responding to these tactics is just as easy: principled negotiators point out what is happening and insist on changing it before proceeding with the negotiation. In other words, fixing the power imbalance simply requires explicitly addressing the process of negotiation and re-centering it on principles.
Of course, there is nothing preventing readers from turning the authors’ advice about negotiating the rules of the game into a manual for how to deceive or manipulate fellow negotiators. But the authors emphasize that dishonest and deceptive communication strategies only work if the other side is willing to be fooled. Principled negotiators, like expert poker players, know how to keep one another honest. When everyone has perfect information about negotiation strategy—meaning that they know how to use principled negotiation techniques—then the negotiation will tend toward equality. So while dishonesty might be an effective strategy for the powerful, an underdog can always keep them in check through principled negotiation.
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Power Imbalance Quotes in Getting to Yes
Principled negotiation is an all-purpose strategy. Unlike almost all other strategies, if the other side learns this one, it does not become more difficult to use; it becomes easier. If they read this book, all the better.
Be hard on the problem, soft on the people. You can be just as hard in talking about your interests as any negotiator can be in talking about their position. In fact, it is usually advisable to be hard. It may not be wise to commit yourself to your position, but it is wise to commit yourself to your interests. This is the place in a negotiation to spend your aggressive energies. The other side, being concerned with their own interests, will tend to have overly optimistic expectations of the range of possible agreements. Often the wisest solutions, those that produce the maximum gain for you at the minimum cost to the other side, are produced only by strongly advocating your interests. Two negotiators, each pushing hard for their interests, will often stimulate each other's creativity in thinking up mutually advantageous solutions.
Pressure can take many forms: a bribe, a threat, a manipulative appeal to trust, or a simple refusal to budge. In all these cases, the principled response is the same: invite them to state their reasoning, suggest objective criteria you think apply, and refuse to budge except on this basis. Never yield to pressure, only to principle.
Who will prevail? In any given case it is impossible to say, but in general you will have an edge. For in addition to your willpower, you also have the power of legitimacy and the persuasiveness of remaining open to reason. It will be easier for you to resist making an arbitrary concession than it will be for them to resist advancing some objective standards. A refusal to yield except in response to sound reasons is an easier position to defend—publicly and privately—than is a refusal to yield combined with a refusal to advance sound reasons.
If the other side has big guns, you do not want to turn a negotiation into a gunfight. The stronger they appear in terms of physical or economic power, the more you benefit by negotiating on the merits. To the extent that they have muscle and you have principle, the larger a role you can establish for principle the better off you are.
Having a good BATNA can help you negotiate on the merits. You can convert such resources as you have into effective negotiating power by developing and improving your BATNA. Apply knowledge, time, money, people, connections, and wits into devising the best solution for you independent of the other side's assent. The more easily and happily you can walk away from a negotiation, the greater your capacity to affect its outcome.
If pushing back does not work, what does? How can you prevent the cycle of action and reaction? Do not push back. When they assert their positions, do not reject them. When they attack your ideas, don't defend them. When they attack you, don't counterattack. Break the vicious cycle by refusing to react. Instead of pushing back, sidestep their attack and deflect it against the problem. As in the Oriental martial arts of judo and jujitsu, avoid pitting your strength against theirs directly; instead, use your skill to step aside and turn their strength to your ends. Rather than resisting their force, channel it into exploring interests, inventing options for mutual gain, and searching for independent standards.
I must not be making myself clear. Of course it would be nice if Paul and I got some money. Of course we could try and stay here in the apartment until you got us evicted. But that’s not the point, Mrs. Jones.
More important to us than making a few dollars here or there is the feeling of being treated fairly. No one likes to feel cheated. And if we made this a matter of who’s got the power and refused to move, we'd have to go to court, waste a lot of time and money, and end up with a big headache. You would too. Who wants that?
No, Mrs. Jones, we want to handle this problem fairly on the basis of some independent standard, rather than who can do what to whom.
Such tricky tactics are illegitimate because they fail the test of reciprocity. They are designed to be used by only one side; the other side is not supposed to know the tactics or is expected to tolerate them knowingly. Earlier we argued that an effective counter to a one-sided substantive proposal is to examine the legitimacy of the principle that the proposal reflects. Tricky bargaining tactics are in effect one-sided proposals about negotiating procedure, about the negotiating game that the parties are going to play. To counter them, you will want to engage in principled negotiation about the negotiating process.
Good negotiators rarely resort to threats. They do not need to; there are other ways to communicate the same information.