The Great Influenza

by

John M. Barry

The Great Influenza: Chapter 9 Summary & Analysis

Summary
Analysis
By spring of 1918, five million soldiers had already died in World War I. Europe was weary of war, but some French- and English-sympathizing Americans still saw the war as glorious and pressured President Woodrow Wilson to enter it. Wilson resisted, even after Germany began unrestricted submarine warfare (including against U.S. vessels, in order to starve out Britain and France).
Though some might regard U.S. involvement in World War I as inevitable, Barry and other historians have shown that in fact there was a lot of disagreement about whether the U.S. should get involved and to what extent. Wilson’s initial resistance was noteworthy, since he later became one of the war’s biggest proponents.
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Finally however, the interception of the Zimmerman note caused Wilson to go to war. The Zimmerman note was a message from Germany asking Mexico if it would be an ally in the event of a war between Germany and the U.S. In exchange, Mexico would get to reconquer parts of New Mexico, Texas, and Arizona. Despite initial reluctance, now Wilson embraced the war with Crusader-like zeal.
Wilson’s politically-motivated zealotry represents the opposite of open-minded scientific inquiry. While religion itself is not necessarily anti-scientific, Thomas Huxley’s speech at the founding of Johns Hopkins made it clear how too much emphasis on ideology or partisanship could stifle important education, and that theme returns here in a different context.
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Wilson imposed harsh measures to enforce loyalty in the United States (in part because German-Americans were the largest ethnic group). Laws like the Espionage Act and Sedition Act went as far as legalizing censorship of the press. Teaching German was outlawed, and sauerkraut was renamed “Liberty cabbage.” Wilson threatened dissenters with imprisonment, and the government took over manufacturing to devote everything to war.
For Barry’s first audience in 2004, mention of “Liberty cabbage” almost certainly evoked comparisons to “freedom fries” (a movement in the U.S. to rename “French fries” because of France’s opposition to the U.S. invasion of Iraq). Barry shows how such nationalistic movements were not new and how current events are often just an echo of things that happened in the past.
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George Creel was named head of the Committee on Public Information (CPI), where he began demanding “100% Americanism” from the press and encouraging them to print increasingly unsubtle propaganda. Elsewhere, Wilson banned songs that weren’t sufficiently patriotic.
Again, the “100% Americanism” of the press under George Creel likely caused many in Barry’s first audience to draw comparisons to the nationalism common in the U.S. press after 9/11 and during the invasion of Iraq. Around the time Barry wrote in 2004, U.S. radio stations were also playing more patriotic songs. Barry demonstrates how many things actually had not changed in U.S. life since 1918.
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One of the side effects of Wilson’s repressive measures was that they eventually intensified the effects of the influenza pandemic. Another outcome of his policies, however, was the rise of the American Red Cross, which was created in the late 19th century to help the nation in times of crisis. By 1918, 30 million Americans (out of a population of 105 million) were active Red Cross supporters.
Though Barry criticizes many of Wilson’s actions, particularly when it comes to restricting the free press, he also acknowledges successes during the 1918 pandemic, particularly the work of the Red Cross. Though Barry argues that leadership plays a crucial role during public health emergencies, he also acknowledges that sometimes it’s difficult to give credit or assign blame to individuals, especially for mass movements like the Red Cross that sometimes gain strength from questionable policies.
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The war consumed all aspects of American life. The draft was expanded to include all men between 21 and 45. While the American army began in Europe with a small force, it scaled up quickly, sending millions of young men abroad to barracks where they stayed in tight quarters.
Today, 45 is well over the draft age in the U.S., so the fact that men up to age 45 could be drafted helps modern readers understand just how widely Wilson and others sought to involve large swathes of Americans in the war effort.
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