The tension between equality and justice and their expression—or lack thereof—in the law is central to The Vicar of Wakefield, as many of the tragedies and misadventures that befall Dr. Primrose and his family are the result of the law’s failed or imperfect deliverance of those ideals, particularly Dr. Primrose’s imprisonment for his debts. While a faithful, law-abiding citizen and patriot of Britain, Dr. Primrose cannot deny the many great and small ways in which the law is skewed in favor of the rich and powerful. Nevertheless, his faith in the fundamentally good and harmonious nature of society is rooted in and consequently as strong as his belief in the fundamentally good and redeemable nature of human beings. Through Dr. Primrose’s struggle with and resolution to this contradiction, Goldsmith argues that while the law may be an imperfect tool of justice, it is a necessary one, and a society can improve its sense of justice by creating laws that are more tolerant and humane rather than disciplinary.
Dr. Primrose explicitly states this belief when he is in prison and resolves to do what he can to improve the prisoners’ situation morally and materially instead of stigmatizing them as irredeemably wicked. As Dr. Primrose’s scheme of prayers, moral instruction, and honest work for the prisoners finds great success, effecting a noticeable improvement in their moral behavior, he muses on how undertaking such an approach on a broader social scale could reduce crime and violence—on the part of criminals and the state, in the form of the death penalty. At the same time, Dr. Primrose is a firm believer in the monarchy, too, for he finds that while all people possess the capacity to be good, it is the uneven distribution of strength and “cunning,” not wickedness, that creates inequality, as he explains to the butler. To Dr. Primrose, a king can rectify or at least reduce this equality by acting as a mediator and peacemaker, ensuring the strong do not oppress the weak. Reforming the law therefore requires the same approach as reforming the individual: humility, patience, and a firm belief in fundamental goodness.
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Equality, Justice, and the Law Quotes in The Vicar of Wakefield
Politics, however, was the subject on which our entertainer chiefly expatiated; for he asserted that liberty was at once his boast and his terror. After the cloth was removed, he asked me if I had seen the last Monitor, to which replying in the negative, ‘What, nor the Auditor, I suppose?’ cried he. ‘Neither, Sir,’ returned I. ‘That’s strange, very strange,’ replied my entertainer. ‘Now, I read all the politics that come out. The Daily, the Public, the Ledger, the Chronicle, the London Evening, the Whitehall Evening, the seventeen magazines, and the two reviews; and though they hate each other, I love them all. Liberty, Sir, liberty is the Briton’s boast, and by all my coal mines in Cornwall, I reverence its guardians.’
What they may then expect, may be seen by turning our eyes to Holland, Genoa, or Venice, where the laws govern the poor, and the rich govern the law. I am then for, and would die for, monarchy, scared monarchy; for if there be any thing sacred amongst men, it must be the anointed sovereign of his people, and every diminution of his power in war, or in peace, is an infringement upon the real liberties of the subject. The sounds of liberty, patriotism, and Britons, have already done much, it is to be hoped that the true sons of freedom will prevent their ever doing more. I have known many of those pretended champions for liberty in my time, yet I do not remember one that was not in his heart and in his family a tyrant.
In this manner therefore I fought my way towards England, walked along from city to city, examined mankind more nearly, and, if I may so express it, saw both sides of the picture. My remarks, however, are but few; I found that monarchy was the best government for the poor to live in, and commonwealths for the rich. I found that riches in general were in every country another name from freedom; and that no man is so fond of liberty himself as not to be desirous of subjecting the will of some individuals in society to his own.
‘What! my friends,’ cried I, ‘and this is the way you love me! Is this the manner you obey the instructions I have given you from the pulpit! Thus to fly in the face of justice, and bring down ruin on yourselves and me! Which is your ringleader? Shew me the man that has thus seduced you. As sure as he lives he shall feel my resentment. Alas! my dear deluded flock, return back to the duty you owe to God, to your country, and to me. I shall yet perhaps one day see you in greater felicity here, and contribute to make your lives more happy. But let it at least be my comfort when I pen my fold for immortality, that not one here shall be wanting.’
It were to be wished then that power, instead of contriving new laws to punish vice, instead of drawing hard the cords of society till a convulsion come to burst them, instead of cutting away wretches as useless, before we have tried their utility, instead of converting correction into vengeance, it were to be wished that we tried the restrictive arts of government, and made law the protector, but not the tyrant of the people. We should then find that creatures, whose souls are held as dross, only wanted the hand of a refiner; we should then find that wretches, now stuck up for long tortures, lest luxury should feel a momentary pang, might, if properly treated, serve to sinew the state in times of danger; that, as their faces are like ours, their hearts are so too; that few minds are so base as that perseverance cannot amend; that a man may see his last crime without dying for it; and that very little blood will serve to cement our security.