For Rigoberta Menchú Tum, political leaders who defend the poor in Guatemala should derive their authority not from formal education, but from the personal experience of suffering. Official education, she argues, tends to give a distorted vision of Indigenous life and encourage Indian pupils to abandon their ancestral customs. However, despite her suspicion toward certain aspects of formal education, Rigoberta engages with it herself. For example, she chooses to recount her life story not in her native Quiché, but in Spanish, a language she had only recently learned at the time of the interview that I, Rigoberta Menchú is based on. Rigoberta’s embrace of Spanish highlights her willingness to use some tools belonging to the dominant, educated class, such as language, in order to give her community’s problems greater national and international visibility. Her story suggests that it can be useful for vulnerable communities to adopt elements of the dominant culture in order to fight against oppression, as long as these tools are used in the service of self-expression.
Linguistic divisions and lack of education among the Guatemalan poor play an important role in keeping ethnic groups in a marginalized position and preventing them from defending their rights. As a political leader, Rigoberta travels around the Guatemalan countryside to educate Indian communities about self-defense. This leads her to realize that, despite suffering from the same problems of exploitation and violent oppression, the 12 different Indigenous groups present in Guatemala all have different languages. Although this maintains diversity in Indian customs, it also creates a significant problem for political organization, as it’s difficult for these communities to communicate with one another and unite against their common oppressors. In addition, the fact that these communities do not speak Spanish leaves them in a marginalized position with regard to the Guatemalan government. As Rigoberta’s father experiences firsthand, a knowledge of Spanish is necessary to navigate Guatemala’s political and legal systems (for example, institutions such as the INTA). Without such linguistic competence, it is easy for landowners and government officials to manipulate Indians, for example by tricking them into signing documents that go against their interests (something that happens multiple times in Rigoberta’s community). In this way, linguistic divisions impede Indians’ access to government services and prevent them from defending their rights.
However, the solution for such divisions does not necessarily lie in a unified educational system. Although learning Spanish can be beneficial to Indian communities in their fight for greater political representation, this language also threatens cultural diversity in Guatemala. Part of the pride that each ethnic group feels toward its heritage involves keeping their ethnic language alive. The broad diffusion of Spanish could potentially threaten Indigenous groups’ unique identities. In addition, the traditional education system in Guatemala is not geared toward Indian pupils. Rigoberta is particularly critical of the system’s approach to history: for example, schools teach children that Guatemalan independence was a victory against the Spanish colonial powers. Rigoberta notes that this view of history does not take into account the Indigenous perspective. From their point of view, national independence did not bring freedom: rather, it forced Indians to defend their rights against the new dominant class, the ladinos. Official interpretations of history, Rigoberta concludes, align with the interests of the authorities: to maintain ladinos in power and to keep Indians from defending their cultural heritage and political rights. According to Rigoberta, even official efforts to include elements of Indian history fall short. For instance, national celebrations of the Indian “hero” Tecún Umán, who fought against the Spaniards during the colonial period, relegate the struggle for Indian rights to the past. Indian communities, by contrast, know that this fight isn’t just historical—it’s still very much alive in the present. The objective of this kind of education, Rigoberta concludes, is to keep pupils from questioning current social problems related to ethnic discrimination, violence, and inequality.
At the same time, integrating certain elements of the dominant culture can help Indian communities in their political struggle. Given the inadequacies of the official school system, Rigoberta believes that the people most qualified to lead the political fight for workers’, peasants’, and Indians’ rights are not highly educated people, but rather those who have experienced suffering firsthand. These people might lack formal education, but they possess the concrete knowledge necessary to foster empathy and understanding; they do not need books to describe their oppressive reality. At the same time, Rigoberta also recognizes that both she and her father benefited from the political analysis that educated compañeros shared with them, allowing them to understand that their problems extend well beyond their own experiences in this community. Such learning experiences have led Rigoberta to conclude that cooperation between members of different classes is the best strategy, as each can exchange bits of knowledge that expands one’s understanding of the situation.
Despite rejecting formal education, Rigoberta still understands the importance of learning Spanish. Since Spanish is the language of official institutions in Guatemala, it serves as a useful tool for political groups to navigate the legal and political system and make their voices heard. Speaking Spanish also gives Rigoberta the opportunity to expand the visibility of her political cause, making it relevant and accessible to the rest of Latin America and the rest of the world. In this sense, benefiting from certain aspects of formal education—like learning about politics or learning a different language—can be a boost in the political fight against discrimination and inequality. However, the book implies that such education only proves useful as long as it allows for self-expression and the preservation of diversity, instead of imposing a different worldview on Indigenous populations.
Language, Education, and Power ThemeTracker
Language, Education, and Power Quotes in I, Rigoberta Menchú
We began thinking, with the help of other friends, other compañeros, that our enemies were not only the landowners who lived near us, and above all not just the landowners who forced us to work and paid us little. It was not only now we were being killed; they had been killing us since we were children, through malnutrition, hunger, poverty. We started thinking about the roots of the problem and came to the conclusion that everything stemmed from the ownership of land. The best land was not in our hands. It belonged to the big landowners. Every time they see that we have new land, they try to throw us off it or steal it from us in other ways.
They said that the arrival of the Spaniards was a conquest, a victory, while we knew that in practice it was just the opposite. They said the Indians didn’t know how to fight and that many of them died because they killed the horses and not the people. So they said. This made me furious, but I reserved my anger to educate other people in other areas. This taught me that even though a person may learn to read and write, he should not accept the false education they give our people. Our people must not think as the authorities think. They must not let others think for them.
In the schools they often celebrate the day of Tecún Umán. Tecún Umán is the Quiché hero who is said to have fought the Spanish and then been killed by them. Well, there is a fiesta each year in the schools. They commemorate the day of Tecún Umán as the national hero of the Quichés. But we don’t celebrate it, primarily because our parents say that this hero is not dead. […] His birthday is commemorated as something which represented the struggle of those times. But for us the struggle still goes on today, and our suffering more than ever. We don’t want it said that all that happened in the past, but that it exists today, and so our parents don’t let us celebrate it. We know this is our reality even though the ladinos tell it as if it were history.
There was something my mother used to say concerning machismo. You have to remember that my mother couldn’t read or write and didn’t know any theories either. What she said was that men weren’t to blame for machismo, and women weren’t to blame for machismo, but that it was part of the whole society. To fight machismo, you shouldn’t attack men and you shouldn’t attack women, because that is either the man being machista, or it’s the woman.
A leader must be someone who’s had practical experience. It’s not so much that the hungrier you’ve been, the purer your ideas must be, but you can only have a real consciousness if you’ve really lived this life. I can say that in my organization most of the leaders are Indians. There are also some ladinos and some women in the leadership. But we have to erase the barriers which exist between ethnic groups, between Indians and ladinos, between men and women, between intellectuals and non-intellectuals, and between all the linguistic areas.