In Search of Respect

by

Philippe Bourgois

In Search of Respect: Chapter 1 Summary & Analysis

Summary
Analysis
Bourgois begins with a quote from a child who says he “sound[s] just like a television advertisement” and then explains that his project almost meets “a disastrous end” when he “inadvertently ‘disrespect[s]’ Ray,” the owner of a number of local crackhouses, including one nicknamed “La Farmacia” in the now-burned out building where he grew up.
Bourgois opens by acknowledging the deep gulf between his subjects and himself, which make him seem like an alien or a television character to the people in El Barrio. As a representative of mainstream white culture, Bourgois has to work doubly hard to win trust in El Barrio.
Themes
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Under the heading “Learning Street Smarts,” Bourgois explains that Ray both lets him conduct his research in his crackhouses and physically protects him. Ray is friendly and generous that night, in contrast to “his usual churlishness,” and Bourgois is increasingly proud of their “close and privileged relationship.” Ray and Bourgois drink Heineken beers, a status symbol compared to everyone else’s cheaper Budweiser. Bourgois shows a picture of himself in the newspaper, both to prove his “credibility as a ‘real professor’” and show Ray’s acquaintances that he is not the addict, pervert, or undercover officer they think he is. Everyone asks Ray to read the caption under Bourgois’s photo—but Ray struggles and Bourgois realizes he is illiterate. Furious, Ray screams at the whole group and drives off. Primo, Bourgois’s “closest friend on the streets” and one of Ray’s associates, tells Bourgois he messed up.
Ray’s unpredictable behavior shows how the crack economy is at once completely informal and yet also bound by a set of well-understood rules about respect, authority, and masculinity. Ray’s illiteracy shows how distinct these rules are from those of ordinary legal business, in which nobody could become wildly successful without knowing how to read and write. People's suspicion of Bourgois further shows the significant racial divide in the U.S., and how threatening it is when someone like Bourgois challenges this structure. The problem of explaining his research is also fundamentally about communicating across this divide.
Themes
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The Crack Trade and the Underground Economy Theme Icon
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The next subheading is “The Parameters of Violence, Power, and Generosity.” The next time Ray sees Philippe Bourgois (whom he, like everyone else, calls Felipe), he portrays Bourgois’s press release as a “potential breach of security” and makes a vague death threat, before driving off with his teenaged girlfriend. Primo, who grew up affiliated with Ray’s gangs, takes Bourgois aside and tells him to stay away from the Game Room (the crackhouse Primo runs for Ray). Primo admits that he is afraid of Ray, who used to joke about raping him—and “once raped an old male transient” along with his old best friend (and Primo’s cousin) Luis. In fact, Luis has just gotten arrested, and Ray is debating whether to kill him or pay his legal fees—each cost $3,000, but Luis has lost everyone’s trust after developing a crack habit and once snitching on his own family member.
Ray’s behavior is intentionally vague in order to re-exert his now wavering authority over Bourgois. Primo’s tale unintentionally serves the same function, showing how Ray’s reputation for unpredictable violence prevents others from crossing him. Ray’s willingness to turn against his best friend demonstrates that all his shows of friendship and generosity are ultimately subservient to his business—while not empty gestures, they are no assurance of mutual loyalty. Mainstream business people typically have more well-defined boundaries between friends and coworkers, but for Ray, everyone is a potential revenue source or liability. There is no clear division between his personal life and his work.
Themes
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Bourgois explains that stories and displays of brutal violence are an essential part of Ray’s business: they prevent those he works with from cheating him out of cash. It is about “public relations” and retaining “human capital.” In Primo’s words, “you gotta be a little wild in the streets.” Primo and Caesar, his best friend and the Game Room’s lookout, help Bourgois flee the Game Room whenever Ray shows up, but Primo reports that Ray is having “foreboding dreams” that Bourgois is a spy, either for the government or for aliens from “Mars or something.” (For many Nuyoricans, dreams are seen as capturing hidden truths.)
In order to contextualize Ray’s behavior in terms the mainstream economy, Bourgois turns to the similarities between Ray’s business and that of any other entrepreneur. Ray’s intimidation clearly works—not only on Bourgois but also on Primo and Caesar—even though they fully understand the purpose behind his shows of force. Again, Bourgois’s cultural difference from the people of El Barrio translates into a sense of unfamiliarity and danger for both sides.
Themes
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Three months later, however, Ray shows up by surprise when Bourgois and Primo are busy trying to calm down a drunk Caesar—who often goes on binges, has a “propensity for gratuitous violence,” and on this occasion is complaining about Ray, deliberately yelling into Bourgois’s recorder that he wants to “kill that fat motherfucker.” Ray shows up, but fortunately misses Caesar’s diatribe and is a good mood. Within a few months, he and Bourgois have repaired their relationship to its old confidence. And this is no exception: Ray has many genuine, reciprocal friendships, including with some of the people who work for him, like a woman named Candy, who recalls him being a “nice kid,” almost like a brother.
Caesar’s unpredictable behavior is much like Ray’s, except that it likely put himself in danger, if Ray finds out. Although he works for Ray and admires his success in the crack business, Caesar also resents his boss. Caesar’s loyalty to Ray, therefore, is questionable. Ray’s ability to suddenly forget his conflict with Bourgois suggests that, with time, he has realized that Bourgois is not a legitimate threat.
Themes
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In his section “The Barriers of Cultural Capital,” Bourgois explains that Ray is a contradictory figure: while able to run a complex drug distribution enterprise, he is “completely incapable of fathoming the intricate rules and regulations of legal society.” In other words, “Ray lacked the ‘cultural capital’ necessary to succeed” in the mainstream. This becomes even more evident when, later, he enlists Bourgois’s help because he cannot figure out how to get an ID and does not know what a passport is. He hopes to start a business to launder his money, and Bourgois does his best to avoid participating in this. Ray opens a laundromat, a corner store, and a social club, all of which fail because of bureaucratic limits.
Bourgois’s analysis of Ray hinges on the important concept of cultural capital, which explains the set of abilities, codes, and practices that are considered legitimate and proper, and that therefore allow people to achieve higher class status in society. Yet the Underground Economy appears to have a conception of cultural capital opposite that in the mainstream economy, which is why hugely successful Ray looks foolish whenever he has to deal with government bureaucracy.
Themes
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Under the heading “Confronting Race, Class, and the Police,” Bourgois shows how he “had to confront the overwhelming reality of racial and class-based apartheid in America” immediately upon moving to El Barrio. His “outsider status” is obvious: dealers yell and scatter when he walks by, assuming he is an undercover agent. But many assume he is a drug addict, especially the police, who search him repeatedly because “there was no reason for a white boy to be in the neighborhood.” Eventually he gets used to being searched every week or two by the police, and stopped almost as often by officers telling him he must have wandered into the wrong neighborhood.
Bourgois returns explicitly to the problem of his identity, which again attests to the separation of Street Culture and the mainstream culture. Just as El Barrio residents would be discriminated against in lower Manhattan, Bourgois is viewed as a likely threat, criminal, or delinquent in El Barrio. The racist logic of American society becomes obvious through the police’s treatment of Bourgois, as he is given the same treatment in El Barrio that the neighborhood’s residents might receive in predominately white areas.
Themes
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Quotes
In “Racism and the Culture of Terror,” Bourgois explains that “a racist ‘common sense’” also perpetuates urban apartheid: white and middle-class people think African American and Latinx areas are “too dangerous” (including most of Bourgois’s friends). In reality, few East Harlem residents are ever mugged, and whites “are probably safer” because, as Caesar explains, “people think you’re a fed [federal agent]” or “think, ‘he’s white and he’s in the neighborhood, so he must be crazy,’” and avoid him either way. Despite wandering around East Harlem nearly every night for many years, Bourgois only gets mugged once, inside a store, and his wife is fine. In fact, his “friends living downtown in safer neighborhoods” have worse luck. However, the sense of danger is still palpable and “pervades daily life in El Barrio” because violence is “highly visible and traumatic.” (Bourgois witnesses multiple shootings in his first year there.)
Bourgois implicates the rest of American society (especially people of his own white, upper-class, liberal in-group) in believing and perpetuating the racism toward inner-city residents that is largely responsible for their inability to succeed in mainstream society. Inner-city residents’ names, skin color, accents, and emblems of street culture guarantee that they will start out with negative cultural capital in the mainstream. The fact that even well-meaning white people instinctively associate the entire neighborhood with the worst stories and stereotypes shows how the public often turns narratives about the poor into reasons to hate, fear, or reject such groups.
Themes
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Quotes
The result of this violence is a “culture of terror”: most people stay off the streets and distrust the people surrounding them. And the public image of this “culture of terror” leads people to distance themselves from the marginalized people living in places like El Barrio. Like those around him, Bourgois feels he has “to deny or ‘normalize’ the culture of terror” by allowing himself to relax and seek community in the neighborhood. In fact, Bourgois grew up “just seven blocks downtown from El Barrio’s southern border,” and always bought into “the illusion of friendly public space” in El Barrio. But the neighborhood’s “violent minority” constantly pushes back with the “culture of terror.” So do the police—once, when Bourgois mentions “that the neighborhood felt safe,” Caesar tells him a lengthy story about watching two men mug and beat a woman, and then police beat the muggers nearly to death.
Bourgois does not mean to deny the reality of violence in El Barrio, which would mean sanitizing the experiences of his friends and research subjects. El Barrio residents and outsiders alike misinterpret violent incidents among those involved in the drug trade as a continuous, pervasive threat of violence from all sides, directed at anyone, including innocent bystanders. Caesar’s tale shows how this violence multiplies with police involvement, and raises the problem of how law enforcement (and the public) draw the line between innocents to be protected and criminals to be controlled.
Themes
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In the section “Internalizing Institutional Violence,” Bourgois reveals that his friends in El Barrio feared police brutality far less than what they would suffer in the holding cell in prison—Caesar, again, offers a long and colorful warning about being rape. In fact, the City has just sent new squads to round up and arrest people in huge numbers in El Barrio, and after hearing Caesar’s story Bourgois runs upstairs to get his I.D., just in case the police come for him.
Again, the “culture of terror” encompasses not only public images of El Barrio or residents’ fears of violence, but also serves as a motivation for the criminals in the neighborhood to stay out of trouble. Whereas people in mainstream culture might worry about jail time’s effects on their future, in El Barrio, the dangers of incarceration are primarily associated with the possibility of bodily harm.
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Under “Accessing the Game Room Crackhouse,” Bourgois explains that his first goal upon arriving in El Barrio is convincing Primo he is not an undercover officer. Bourgois is brought to the Game Room by his neighbor Carmen, who is 39 and already a grandmother, and who recently grew addicted to crack, became homeless, and abandoned her grandchildren. Primo thinks Bourgois is undercover at first, but after a couple weeks, they become friends, since Bourgois has to pass the Game Room multiple times each day. Primo invites him inside and, astonishingly, is happy when he turns down an offer of cocaine—ironically, “street ethics […] equates any kind of drug use with the work of the devil,” even though it is everywhere. Primo and his friends are also interested to meet “a friendly white,” since the only white people they know are angry authority figures at school, work, and the police station.
With Carmen’s story, Bourgois introduces the horrible toll that crack takes on the lives of El Barrio residents. It is not the physiological effects of the drug itself, but rather the financial, personal, and emotional damage people will cause in order to procure the drug. Primo’s delight that Bourgois will not use drugs exposes the inherent contradictions in street culture, which valorizes drugs as a means to wealth yet denigrates users for their weakness and lack of autonomy. Dealers who use drugs often end up caught between these two conceptions, as well as the different connotations tied to each drug. Bourgois’s status as a “friendly white” further highlights the antagonism between street and mainstream culture.
Themes
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Quotes
As he starts hanging out more and more at the Game Room, Bourgois becomes “an exotic object of prestige,” and people want to be around him because his whiteness is intimidating (which sometimes problematizes his research). Soon, he is an “honorary nigga.’” A few years later, drunk and high on speedball, Primo’s lookoutBenzie” (Benito) admitted that he initially thought Bourgois was “a faggot” because of the way he talked. Primo calls this “intelligent talk,” and notes that Bourgois sounds like he is from Spain when he speaks Spanish. While Bourgois immediately feels vaguely offended, he later realizes that it was better he was never self-conscious about “giving off ‘dirty sexual pervert’ vibes.”
Bourgois’s complex relationship with the Game Room’s dealers and users shows that ethnography is always a two-way encounter between the researcher and subject. Each side is encountering a new culture and making sense of it on their own culture’s terms before beginning to learn the language of the other culture. Bourgois’s voice is another signifier of his cultural capital in the mainstream and lack of it in El Barrio (until it is bestowed on him by his friends), just as his formal European Spanish accent recalls the first wave of white colonizers in Puerto Rico.
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In “African American/Puerto Rican Relations on the Street,” Bourgois explains that his Nuyorican friends in El Barrio, even though whites would see many of them as black, are “explicitly hostile to African Americans.” Ray’s two African American dealers go by Spanish names and complain of racism in the Game Room. And Caesar goes on a diatribe about how he hates and wants to kill black people, “because it was a black man who killed my sister.” Nevertheless, street culture nearly uniformly comes from African Americans, and Caesar is the first to admit that he wants to have “that black style.”
The hostility between African Americans and Puerto Ricans, (which exists in spite of their common cultural, economic, and political interests) is a means for both groups to substantiate their own identities outside of the mainstream and create an enemy. And yet, it is ironic that Bourgois’s Nuyorican friends discriminate against African Americans based on the same racist logic that white people use to discriminate against them.
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Despite El Barrio’s racial politics, “everyone in Ray’s network” ultimately accepts and likes Bourgois, although those “on the periphery of Ray’s scene” remain suspicious—and even yell at Bourgois “for never tape-recording them,” since they want “‘at least a chapter’ in [his] book.” And everyone is skeptical about Bourgois’s desire “to give something back to the community” through his book, because they see “everyone in the world [as] hustling.” Some years in, Caesar and Primo start “urging [Bourgois] to make speedier progress” on what they assume will be “a best seller.” Caesar gets angry at Bourgois for “giving up on” them when he gets an injury from typing too much, and demands “a lifetime reference” in the book from Bourgois, whom he calls “our role model.”
Even though speaking into a tape recorder would ordinarily represent going “on the record” and admitting one’s misdeeds in a verifiable and prosecutable way, Bourgois’s tape recorder represents the power and legitimacy of street knowledge rather than of the bureaucratic state. While it is an honor to be included in Bourgois’s book, people are rather jaded about the possibility of working for the sake of others, rather than for economic self-interest, which is as central to Street Culture as the culture of American business. Bourgois’s transformation into a “role model” shows that he could never be a neutral observer in this research project. Precisely because of his difference from those he studies, he ends up affecting their lives—hopefully, as he declares here, for the better.
Themes
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The Crack Trade and the Underground Economy Theme Icon
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Quotes